Commentary: The Changing Face of Strategy

WASHINGTON, UNITED STATES

10.18.2002

Courtesy Story

Defense.gov         

On July 16, 1945, the meaning of the word "defense" changed in a New Mexico desert. That was when Allied scientists detonated an atomic bomb that rocked nearby Alamogordo with the strength of more than 10,000 tons of TNT.

The scientists had had no real idea what to expect, but as they watched a rising mushroom cloud, they knew the weapon had instantly changed the whole idea of war and survival.

Less than a month later, the United States dropped atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki and killed more than 200,000 people. Japan, until then ready for a last-ditch suicide effort against the Allies, surrendered. One bomber could destroy a city and all its inhabitants -- and America had thousands of bombers.

Following the war, the Soviet Union, a U.S. ally against the Axis Powers, became the main enemy. The communist dictatorship's avowed goal was to "bury" capitalism. The flags of triumph frayed as the West and the USSR squared off.

The Berlin Airlift of 1948 was the first confrontation between the superpowers. It was an illustration of how warfare had changed, because the Soviet blockade of West Berlin did not escalate to war. The consequences of such a war were too horrific.

The Soviets put their research and espionage apparatuses into high gear and in 1949 had also developed nuclear weapons. The Cold War that followed the next 40 years became based on strategies like "containment" and "mutually assured destruction."

Terms like "Strangelovian," "megatons" and "megadeaths" made their appearances. The Strategic Air Command had B-52s constantly in the air armed with hydrogen bombs. Its motto was "Peace is our profession." Deterrence was its mission.

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization was established and then opposed by the Soviets' Warsaw Pact. Even areas where the Cold War burst into flames like Korea and Vietnam were still "limited wars" with "limited objectives."

But the Cold War was worth fighting. The totalitarian regimes of the 20th century succumbed to freedom. The Soviet Union dissolved in 1991. Far from burying capitalism, communism itself went to the grave.

And the world moved on. With the absence of superpower rivalry, people clamored for a "peace dividend." The thinking was that the world was a safer place now and the money once spent on war could be spent on peace.

To an extent, this happened. In the United States, the number of troops dropped. Many overseas bases closed, especially in Europe. The percentage of gross national product spent on defense dropped to its lowest point since before World War II.

But the post-Cold War world didn't magically morph into a more peaceful place. Ethnic, nationalist, tribal and religious ferment, often kept in check by the superpowers in the past, flared up. Somalia, Bosnia, Kosovo, Rwanda, the Congo, the Middle East, Chechnya, East Timor and many other areas broke into conflict.

U.S. service members found themselves engaged in "conflicts other than war," "peacekeeping operations" and "humanitarian missions." They deployed from their home stations more after the Cold War than during it.

At the same time, rogue states like Iraq, Iran, Libya, North Korea and Syria took note of the changed circumstances in the world as saw them as an opportunity to increase their militaries and their influence.

Weapons of mass destruction became the goal of these regimes. Chemical and biological agents are well within the capabilities of these states to produce. Nuclear weapons are more problematic, but some experts think Iraq, for example, was within six months of having a nuclear device when the 1991 Persian Gulf War ended.

These states actively proliferated the weapons and the means to deliver them. North Korea has sold missiles to Iran and Iraq. Further, it has an active program to build on the Scud missile and to build longer-range missiles. The North Koreans surprised the world by launching a three- stage rocket with a range beyond Japan

Both examples showcase the problems of getting good intelligence and assessing it. North Korea watchers had thought such a rocket was years away. And until the U.N. inspections following the Gulf War showed otherwise, the world had thought the Iraqis eight to 10 years away from having a nuclear weapon.

Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld has said that by the time U.S. and allied intelligence agencies gather information about a capability, the nation developing it may have been working on it for years.

What is known, often, is just the tip of the iceberg. That Iraq has weapons of mass destruction capability is known, but no one knows the extent of the effort today.

North Korean leaders pledged nearly a decade ago to suspend their nuclear weapons programs, but admitted this week they'd violated all four pacts they'd signed.

So what other threats are out there? What else is under development right now that no one in America knows about?

Pundits have called the recently pronounced Bush administration National Security Strategy to be America's first since the end of the Cold War. It is a basic change in the way we view defense. And it is a strategy that can only be viewed through the lens of Sept. 11, 2001.

Story by Jim Garamone, American Forces Press Service

• Date Taken: 10.18.2002
• Date Posted: 07.04.2025 00:18
• Story ID: 528605
• Location: WASHINGTON, US