WEBVTT

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Good morning and welcome to this

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meeting of NATO defense ministers .

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This is the last milestone before our

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summit in Ankara in just 3 weeks .

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Today we will address how European

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allies and Canada are taking more

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responsibility for their conventional

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defense . To rebalance our security for

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the better , we are building a stronger

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Europe and a stronger NATO . That means

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allies demonstrating clear progress and

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a credible path towards investing 5% of

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GDP on defense . And turning that

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increased spending into combat ready

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forces and capabilities now . We are

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already seeing truly impressive

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progress . In 2025 , European allies

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and Canada invested over $90 billion

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990 billion dollars , more than a year

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before . That's an increase of nearly

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20% in a single year , and we are

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already seeing further increases when

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it comes to the books for 2026 . To

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accelerate defense production and

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innovation in Europe and North America ,

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it is vital that you also turbocharge

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transatlantic defense cooperation .

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There's no other way . We will also

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discuss issues outside of Europe that

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very much affect our security . Allies

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have long agreed that Iran cannot be

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allowed to have a nuclear weapon , and

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today , as a result of US action , they

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are further from that than at any time

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in recent memory . We all are heartened

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by the prospects for peace following

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the U.S.Iran agreement . Pete , this is

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truly a remarkable achievement . Thank

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you . And of course thank the president

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for this . Restoring freedom of

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navigation in the Strait of Hormuz is

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vital for the global economy , so we

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will have the opportunity today to

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address allies' concrete contributions

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to international efforts to support

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freedom of navigation . On Ukraine , I

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expect further pledges of support to be

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made to the Ukraine Defense Contact

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Group later today because we must

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continue to step up and sustain our

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support so that Russia's brutal war

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ends . It is important that every ally

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does their fair share , particularly

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through NATO's plural initiative ,

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given its effectiveness in providing

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crucial air defense which only the

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United States can deliver . But before

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we begin our closed session , my dear

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friend Pete , the US Secretary of War ,

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has asked for the floor . So Pete , the

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floor is yours . Well , Mr .

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Secretary-General , uh , thank you for

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your leadership throughout and for this

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forum . And as I said at my first NATO

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defense ministerial last February , and

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as the Trump administration has said

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again and again in the last year and a

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half , our allies must step up .

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President Trump has been very clear on

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this point for many years and over 2

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administrations , and for too long ,

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NATO has been a paper tiger and a

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one-way street . No more

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And that's what the Hague summit is all

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about . That's what defense spending

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commitments are all about .

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Transforming NATO back into a real

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military alliance that's focused on

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hard power and real deterrence . A NATO

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3.0 , modeled on the NATO

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1.0 that won the Cold War . With our

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allies actually taking the lead in

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Europe's conventional defense . And

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that's what NATO was always supposed to

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be and what its framers like President

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Eisenhower always expected . Europe was

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not supposed to be a dependency of the

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United States . That's not what Winston

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Churchill or Charles de Gaulle or

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Conrad Adenauer wanted or expected . No ,

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Europe was supposed to be a military

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power allied with a strong America .

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This is the essence of NATO 1.0 . As

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Dwight Eisenhower himself said as early

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as 1951 , If in

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10 years all American troops stationed

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in Europe for national defense purposes

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have not been returned to the United

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States . Then this whole process will

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have failed . Eisenhower was Supreme

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Allied Commander then , not yet our

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nation's thirty-fourth president . But

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he and his allied counterparts , all of

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them still living in the shadow of

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World War II , understood that NATO's

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power did not come from committees or

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from meetings or from small flags on

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fancy tables . It came from warriors .

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And for Europe's defense , it had come

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from NATO allies . That was NATO 1.0 .

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A hard-edged warfighting organization

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focused on Europe's defense , but that

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spirit faded . After the Cold War ended ,

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no longer focused on defending Europe ,

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NATO 2.0 , drifted toward out of area

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operations and things that had nothing

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to do with war fighting at all .

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Instead of tanks and fighters and air

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defenses , the focus has been on gender

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equity and climate change and defense

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austerity . Europe's borders flew wide

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open , welfare states expanded ,

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defense budgets cratered . Along with

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Europe's belief in itself and its

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civilization . NATO lost its

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way . NATO 2.0 was an era of

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distraction , deindustrialization , and

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demilitarization . It was an era of

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free riding . And those were lost years

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that we're not going back to . And

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that's why at the Department of War

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we've been so clear and so candid . To

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restore NATO's core military role and

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character . And that's why we've

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returned US troop levels in Europe to

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pre-2022 levels with the redeployment

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of a brigade combat team last year and

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further reduction of 5000 forces

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earlier this year . At the same time ,

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it's why we've engaged with our allies

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so consistently . And it's why we've

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grown our own defense industrial base

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and encouraged to turn NATO 3.0 into

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reality . To return the alliance to its

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roots as a military alliance and ensure

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that it has the European strength

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required to sustainably deter

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aggression and if need be , make good

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on Article 5 . Some of our allies

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have gotten the message and stepped up .

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You know who you are and we very much

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appreciate it . Last year under

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President Trump's leadership , NATO set

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the new global standard for allied

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defense spending . 5% of GDP all in on

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defense . It's historic . And it's

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transformational . And some allies are

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already well on their way to meeting

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this ambitious target and in some cases

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ahead of schedule . And as you've seen

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over the last six months , President

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Trump is also committed to the United

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States' defense spending . More than $1

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trillion in 2026 and a commitment of

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$1.5 trillion in 2027 . We

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will lead and exceed our own

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NATO spending standards , and I'm

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personally on Capitol Hill in order to

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make sure we do it . It's not due as I

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say , it's due as we do .

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Some allies are also getting serious

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about how they're spending on their

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defense . In May , the Department of

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War told allies that we're reducing our

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contributions to the NATO force model .

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We also explained how allies can and

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should backfill those changes . General

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Grikowicz reports that some allies have

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stepped up accordingly , and it's a

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good start . At the same time just last

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month , a small group of strong allies

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gathered at Bergen . For a conversation

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about focused , focused allied defense

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spending on the capabilities required

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to defend Europe even in the event of

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simultaneous conflicts worldwide .

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Again , more serious progress . On

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Ukraine as well , progress through

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President Trump's Pearl initiative ,

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allies have taken the lead in funding

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support for Ukraine's defense . The

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Ukrainians are holding their lines even

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in the face of sustained Russian

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assaults . We said it could be done .

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That our allies could lead and that it

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would be consistent with Ukraine's

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defense . It is happening and it's a

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validation of President Trump's

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approach , an approach that will set

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the table for peace . Yet for all these

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early steps in the right direction ,

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there have also been real setbacks that

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we cannot ignore . For all of our

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clarity , too many allied capitals seem

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to still miss something in translation .

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Too many allies still don't recognize

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the historic need that President Trump

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has made clear to them and to NATO

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itself to reforge a relevant , powerful

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military alliance . As President Trump

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put it , and rightfully so , he gave

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our allies a test . To support America

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when we asked for their help . And too

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many failed it . The United States has

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defended Europe for generations . And

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the president said all he said was that

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our jets would need to take off from

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bases in Europe or our ships , our

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ships from ports . To strike targets in

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the Middle East . Iranian targets that

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threaten European interests even more

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directly than they threaten us . But

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too many of our allies said no . Or

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tried to drown us in arcane legal

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debates or criticized us publicly for

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doing what they aren't prepared or able

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to do themselves . It was shameful .

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These allies , they put America's sons

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and daughters , our sons and daughters ,

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at risk . By denying them the

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predictable access basing and

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overflight that never should have been

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in question at all . In some cases we

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had to shift capabilities from one

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country to another out of NATO allied

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countries altogether . There's no

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excuse for that . And that's not to

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mention the fact that some countries

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have yet to show a credible path to

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meeting their Hague commitments , too

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much talk . Some of NATO's largest

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economies , some of our richest

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countries , allies that are happiest to

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go on about the rules-based

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international order and middle powers

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banding together , still seem to think

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the era of free riding is here .

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Eisenhower and Trump . Disagree

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This isn't what the president of

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America expects from this alliance .

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This is not what any reasonable person

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would expect . And it's not going to

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cut it anymore . And so we're doubling

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down on our effort to make NATO what it

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always was supposed to be , a balanced

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alliance with Europe in the lead for

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its own defense , NATO 3.0 .

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And to make that a reality , I'm

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announcing today a 6 month Department

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of War review that will examine

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America's force posture and basing in

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Europe . Up to 6 months , could be less .

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Let's call it the NATO 3.0 review .

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This review will be conducted with the

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benefit of inputs from the United

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States military , from European command .

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It will involve consultations with the

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US Congress and with our allies . But

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make no mistake about it , this will be

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a real review . It will be designed to

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ensure that NATO is moving fast and

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irreversibly toward Europe leading .

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Stepping up to take primary

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responsibility for the defense of

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Europe . Stepping up to ensure our

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forces are postured for America's

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global needs , and stepping up to make

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sure that our access facing and

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overflight are clearly delineated and

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assured . Any other country would do

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the same . At the same time going

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forward , our annual NATO dues will be

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contingent on other countries meeting

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their defense spending targets . Where

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other allies do not spend with urgency .

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Our dues contributions will go down .

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NATO will be a two-way street . It's

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only common sense . America cannot care

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for or pay more for Europe's defense

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than our allies do . And this review

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will think outside the box . Our

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national defense strategy states

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clearly that we're going to incentivize

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and enable our allies to step up and do

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their part . So we're going to keep a

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close ally , close eye on allies who

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are not doing that . And who say no ,

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or maybe , or wait and see what it

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matters most . It's a review that some

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countries will fail . And others will

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pass with flying colors . In the end ,

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the review is intended to both improve

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US force posture and basing . And

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strengthen NATO 3.0 .

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It's intended to be constructive . As

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we have always been . There are no

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strategic surprises here , there

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haven't been . I've been clear with all

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of you since my first remarks to this

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body in February of 2025 . President

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Trump has always done the same . Our

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direction of travel is and has been

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clear . This is the right thing to do

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by the American people . It's the right

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thing to do by this alliance . Europe

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can and must take primary

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responsibility for its conventional

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defense as it pledged at the Hague

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summit . And in the process ,

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safeguarding Europe's defense for

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generations to come . We know our

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allies can do it . And it's time .

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Thank you .

